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Posts Tagged ‘Opposition’

Thank you Cases show for hosting me to shed light about women rights in Saudi-Arabia , KSA

to watch the show hosted by Farah Atoui and produced by Aly Sleem for Etejah TV Channel, follow the link

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pZyrMZhnNZw&feature=youtu.be

Kudos to all Saudi women driving, campaigning, speaking out and defying norms and bans,

You’ll do it one day, and achieve your political, social and economical rights!!

Rita Chemaly

Cases Rita Chemaly about women rights in Saudi Arabia KSA

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I am enraged, those 2 days, all what TVs and media are covering are the supposed military attacks USA, France and Great Britain might do against Syria.

And since than, all the messages I am getting are “keep safe” “we will suspend our meetings” “stay home” ….

What??? I know that my post is just for me and wont be read by the BIG guys, but maybe if some of their team members may read it, they will understand, that some people who are “citizens” here in this part of the world are AGAINST any military attack!!! Syria is already living under the bombs, bombing more and letting foreign powers intervene as they did in Irak, Afghanistan, Libya or else, is a huge Mistake. Can they consider the citizens that are living in the region?? can they consider that if it didn’t work in other parts of the world, it won’t work in Syria too?!!!

I am afraid, Yes I am, for the security of those who are still living in Syria, for those who are living like me in Lebanon, and trying to make a living albeit the bombings and explosions we are witnessing!

Dear Big Guys, the Soft politic is in my opinion the solution, the political solution is still needed as it happened in Lebanon in 1989, and after in Doha….

Please dears think about it!! Syria is already a war-torn country and chemical weapons is already been used, don’t “add oil to the fire” and use a military attack, even those who you think needs you for a military attack are not as clean as they should be ! Fundamentalism, extremism, and dictatorship are all for me, simple citizen of this Middle East unacceptable!

Rita Chemaly

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Maternity Leave in Lebanon is of 49 days... an amendment extending the period to 10 weeks is waiting for its Vote at the General Assembly

Maternity Leave in Lebanon is of 49 days… an amendment extending the period to 10 weeks is waiting for its Vote at the General Assembly

Lebanese pregnant women are still waiting for the General Assembly Of the Lebanese Parliament to meet and discuss and Vote the Extension of the Period of Maternity leave from 49 days to 10 weeks for those who abide by the Labor Law, and from 60 days to 10 weeks for the public sector employees….

Women in Lebanon Urge the Lebanese Parliamentarians to Meet in a Genral Assembly not to discuss the electoral law only but their Maternity Leave, that will intitle them with less than their Basic Rights!!!!!

Rita Chemaly

 

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what is happening in #Syria is #horrible #Human basic & #Fundamental #rights have been forgotten by all parties!

I cannot look at the feed of my Facebook page, without being afraid of watching the horrific images coming from Syria!

I love this country, when I visited for the first time in 2005, i found the cultural heritage they have, and that syrian people are not protecting now. How can they be interested in their cultural heritage, when the life of Innocents are taken without any conscience???

all Parties in Syria should Stop violating Human rights, Children Rights, Women Rights.

I won’t re-post the shocking pictures of guys  handling the heads of the people they just killed!! this is an abomination!!!

in a war, (And in LEBANON) we have lived numerous ones, atrocities happen, but keeping quiet is an ABOMINATION!!!

The basic Human rights should be Respected!!!!!!

People and Innocents should be Protected!!!!

Khalass , Enough to Atrocities!!

yes for the implementation of basic rights even during war!

Rita!

here are recent articles describing the war crimes happening in Syria our neighbor country

U.N. lists Syrian army and militias as sex predators
Read more: http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Middle-East/2013/Apr-17/214104-un-lists-syrian-army-and-militias-as-sex-predators.ashx#ixzz2Rt7sWovW

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par Mona Chollet, mardi 12 mars 2013

« Les musulmans semblent éprouver un sentiment de puissance virile à voiler leurs femmes, et les Occidentaux à les dévoiler », écrivait l’essayiste marocaine Fatema Mernissi dans Le Harem et l’Occident (Albin Michel, 2001). L’engouement des médias français pour des figures comme les Femen ou Aliaa El-Mahdy, l’étudiante égyptienne qui, en 2011, avait posé nue sur son blog (1), offre une nouvelle confirmation de la justesse de cette observation. On a pu voir sur France 2, le 5 mars, un documentaire consacré au collectif d’origine ukrainienne implanté en France depuis un peu plus d’un an (2), et un autre intitulé Aliaa, la révolutionnaire nue sur Public Sénat pour le 8 mars, Journée internationale des femmes.

Tant pis pour les milliers de femmes qui ont le mauvais goût de lutter pour leurs droits tout habillées, et/ou d’offrir un spectacle moins conforme aux critères dominants de jeunesse, de minceur, de beauté et de fermeté. « Le féminisme, c’est ces femmes qui ont défilé dans les rues du Caire, pas les Femen ! Et sur ces femmes-là, je vois peu de documentaires TV », s’insurgeait sur Twitter, le 6 février dernier, la correspondante de France Inter en Egypte, Vanessa Descouraux. En France, les organisations féministes « se voient désormais plus souvent interpellées sur ce qu’elles pensent du mouvement d’origine ukrainienne que sur leurs propres actions » (3).

« Si tu montres tes nichons,
je reviens avec mon photographe »

Femmes, vous voulez vous faire entendre ? Une seule solution : déshabillez-vous ! En octobre 2012, en Allemagne, les réfugiés qui campaient devant la Porte de Brandebourg, au centre de Berlin, pour dénoncer leurs conditions de vie peinaient à attirer l’attention des médias. En colère, une jeune femme qui manifestait avec eux lança à un journaliste de Bild : « Tu veux que je me mette à poil ? » « Le journaliste acquiesce et promet de revenir avec son photographe. D’autres journalistes l’apprennent et voilà, la foule d’objectifs se réunit autour des jeunes femmes qui soutiennent les réfugiés. Elles ne se sont pas déshabillées, mais ont profité de l’occasion pour dénoncer le sensationnalisme des médias (4). »

Les Femen, elles, ont été plus pragmatiques. Lors de leurs premières actions, en Ukraine, en 2008, elles avaient inscrit leurs slogans sur leurs dos nus, mais les photographes ne s’intéressaient qu’à leurs seins. Elles ont donc déplacé les inscriptions (5)… Cet ordre des choses n’inspire pas d’états d’âme particuliers à Inna Chevchenko, l’Ukrainienne qui a exporté la marque Femen en France : « On sait de quoi les médias ont besoin, déclarait-elle en décembre à Rue89. Du sexe, des scandales, des agressions : il faut leur donner. Etre dans les journaux, c’est exister (6). » Vraiment ?

Certes, la militante féministe Clémentine Autain a raison de rappeler que « le happening, c’est dans notre culture. De la suffragette Hubertine Auclert, qui renversait les urnes lors des élections municipales de 1910 pour que les journaux de la IIIe République puissent avoir leurs photos trash à la Une, aux militantes du MLF qui balançaient du mou de veau dans les meetings des anti-avortement dans les années 1970, on sait aussi monter des coups (7) ! ». Ce mode d’action est aussi celui de l’association Act Up dans sa lutte contre le sida. Mais encore faut-il que derrière les « coups », il y ait un fond politique solide et bien pensé qui leur donne leur sens. Or, dans le cas des Femen, c’est peu dire que le discours ne suit pas. Quand il ne se révèle pas franchement désastreux.

Contre les vieilles femmes qui lisent des livres

La réduction permanente des femmes à leur corps et à leur sexualité, la négation de leurs compétences intellectuelles, l’invisibilité sociale de celles qui sont inaptes à complaire aux regards masculins constituent des pierres d’angle du système patriarcal. Qu’un « mouvement » — elles ne seraient qu’une vingtaine en France — qui se prétend féministe puisse l’ignorer laisse pantois. « Nous vivons sous la domination masculine, et cela [la nudité] est la seule façon de les provoquer, d’obtenir leur attention », déclarait Inna Chevchenko au Guardian (8). Un féminisme qui s’incline devant la domination masculine : il fallait l’inventer.

Non seulement Chevchenko accepte cet ordre des choses, mais elle l’approuve (toujours dans The Guardian) : « Le féminisme classique est une vieille femme malade qui ne marche plus. Il est coincé dans le monde des conférences et des livres. » Elle a raison : à bas les vieilles femmes malades, elles ne sont même pas agréables à regarder. Et les livres, c’est plein de lettres qui font mal à la tête, bouh ! Auteur d’un excellent livre sur les usages du corps en politique (9), Claude Guillon commentait : « Le mieux intentionné des observateurs dirait que cette phrase exprime la présomption et la cruauté de la jeunesse. Il faut malheureusement ajouter pour l’occasion : et sa grande sottise ! En effet, et peut-être Inna aurait-elle pu le lire dans un livre, l’image des féministes comme de vieilles femmes coupées du monde (comprenez : et du marché de la chair) est un très vieux cliché antiféministe, qu’il est navrant de voir repris par une militante qui prétend renouveler le féminisme (10). » Depuis, les représentantes françaises du collectif ont cependant dû se résigner à sortir un livre d’entretiens (11) : « En France, il faut publier des textes pour être reconnu, légitime », soupire l’une d’entre elles (Libération, 7 mars 2013). Dur, dur.

Pour Rue89, Chevchenko résumait ainsi le discours des jeunes Françaises qui voulaient rejoindre les Femen : « Elles me disaient : “Les mouvements féministes qui existent déjà en France, ce ne sont pas des mouvements faits pour les jeunes femmes, mais pour des femmes intellectuelles qui ressemblent à des hommes, qui nient la sexualité, le fait qu’une femme puisse être féminine.” » A cet égard, il faut le reconnaître, les Femen marquent incontestablement un progrès. S’agissant d’une ancêtre comme Simone de Beauvoir, il a fallu attendre le centenaire de sa naissance, en 2008, pour la voir enfin à poil : c’était long. Mais la patience du monde fut récompensée : avec délice, Le Nouvel Observateur (3 janvier 2008) publia en couverture une photo montrant l’auteure du Deuxième sexe nue de dos dans sa salle de bains (12). Les Femen, elles, sont bonnes filles : elles mâchent le boulot (« femen » signifie d’ailleurs « cuisse » en latin, mais rien à voir, elles ont choisi ce nom « parce qu’il sonnait bien »). Après tout, ne soyons pas pudibonds : pour être féministe, on n’en a pas moins un corps, une sensualité, une vie sexuelle. On peut seulement déplorer que l’attente de toutes celles — et ceux — qui rêvent de se repaître des petites fesses de Jean-Paul Sartre dure toujours. Que fait Le Nouvel Observateur ? Les grands intellectuels n’auraient-ils pas, eux aussi, un corps, une sensualité, une vie sexuelle ? Pourquoi ne pas nous en faire profiter ? Pourquoi ne sont-ils pas, eux aussi, une denrée publique, que l’on peut exposer et commercialiser indépendamment de la volonté des intéressés ?

« Féminisme pop »

Après s’être attiré une large sympathie lorsqu’elles se sont fait agresser par les extrémistes catholiques de Civitas au cours de la manifestation contre le mariage pour tous, en novembre 2012, les Femen ont suscité de plus en plus de réserves et de désaveux — par exemple de la part du collectif féministe Les TumulTueuses, ou de l’actrice et réalisatrice Ovidie. Critiquées pour la caution qu’elles apportent à la vision du corps féminin forgée par l’industrie publicitaire, elles se sont défendues en publiant des photos de certaines de leurs membres qui s’écartent de ces canons. Le problème, c’est qu’on ne verra jamais celles-ci en couverture des Inrockuptibles, les seins en gant de toilette cadrant mal avec le « féminisme pop » que dit priser le magazine — ni dans Obsession, le supplément mode et consommation du Nouvel Observateur, pour lequel les Femen ont posé en septembre dernier. Et pas question d’arguer que ce n’est pas de leur faute : si elles voulaient être un minimum crédibles, elles devraient imposer la présence de ces membres lors des séances photo. « Quel peut être l’effet produit par cette photo de groupe [dans Les Inrockuptibles] sur les femmes moins jeunes, ou jeunes mais moins favorisées par le hasard génétique ? interroge Claude Guillon. Le même effet que le terrorisme publicitaire et machiste que le féminisme ne cesse de dénoncer. Cette photo est pire qu’une maladresse, c’est un contresens politique. »

Les dénégations répétées des membres du collectif ne suffisent pas, par ailleurs, à dissiper le soupçon d’une politique de la photogénie délibérée. Dans le livre Femen, l’une des fondatrices ukrainiennes déclare : « Nos filles doivent être sportives pour endurer des épreuves difficiles, et belles pour utiliser leur corps à bon escient. Pour résumer, Femen incarne l’image d’une femme nouvelle : belle, active et totalement libre. » Le féminisme, mieux qu’un yaourt au bifidus. L’une de ses camarades françaises invoque une « erreur de traduction » (13)…

Quoi qu’il en soit, en l’état actuel des choses, il n’est pas certain que les médias et le grand public fassent complètement la différence entre les Femen et la Cicciolina par exemple — précurseuse de la couronne de fleurs sur cheveux blonds —, ou la pin-up de la page 3 du quotidien britannique The Sun. Claude Guillon, encore : « “Au moins, me disait une jeune femme, depuis qu’elles se mettent à poil, on les écoute !” Que nenni. On les regarde tout au plus. Et lorsque les rédacteurs en chef en auront marre de mettre du nibard à la une (ça lasse, coco !), on ne les regardera plus. » Les journalistes de Rue89 sont elles-mêmes perplexes devant le succès d’audience du collectif : « Le premier article que nous avons fait sur les Femen était un “En images”. On y voyait simplement la photo d’une Femen devant la maison de DSK, seins nus. Trois paragraphes accompagnaient l’image. L’article a reçu 69 500 visites. C’est beaucoup. » Dans le fumeux « sextrémisme » promu par le groupe, il y a tout à parier que c’est surtout « sexe » qui fait tilter la machine médiatique.

Des médias devenus tous féministes ?

Le féminisme serait donc devenu consensuel, au point de faire la couverture de tous les journaux et d’avoir l’honneur de documentaires télévisés abondamment promus dans la presse ? Il faudrait être naïf pour le croire. L’intérêt pour les Femen s’avère parfaitement compatible avec l’antiféminisme le plus grossier. Ainsi, le 7 mars, Libération leur consacrait une double page ; cela ne l’a pas empêché de publier le lendemain, pour la Journée internationale des femmes, un numéro d’anthologie. Sous le titre « Du sexe pour tous ! », il a choisi de consacrer sa Une à l’« assistance sexuelle » pour les handicapés. La photo d’illustration montrait un handicapé au lit avec une « assistante » (blonde, souriante, incarnation de la douceur et de l’abnégation qui sont la vocation des vraies femmes), et non l’inverse : on a bien dit « Du sexe pour tous », pas « pour toutes ».

Pour le quotidien, ce combat s’inscrit dans le cadre de sa défense acharnée de la prostitution. En janvier dernier, déjà, il publiait le portrait d’un polyhandicapé qui militait pour le droit à l’« assistance sexuelle ». Comme le faisait remarquer sur son blog le cinéaste Patric Jean (14), cet homme avait cependant eu au cours de sa vie deux compagnes, et même des enfants, ce qui relativisait quelque peu l’argument de l’incapacité des handicapés à avoir une vie sexuelle. Histoire de compléter ce tableau de la femme selon Libé, le portrait de dernière page était celui de Miss France.

Même méfiance quand on voit Charlie Hebdo, bastion de l’humour de corps de garde, dont les dessins répètent semaine après semaine que la pire infamie au monde consiste à se faire sodomiser, c’est-à-dire à se retrouver dans une posture « féminine » (15), collaborer avec les Femen pour un numéro spécial (6 mars 2013). En couverture, le dessin de Luz reprend un visuel du groupe qui montre ses militantes brandissant une paire de testicules. Le cliché des féministes hystériques et « coupeuses de couilles », couplé à l’esthétique publicitaire : une bonne synthèse du produit Femen. Dans l’entretien qu’elle accorde à l’hebdomadaire satirique, Chevchenko déclare vouloir une société « où les femmes ont plus de pouvoirs que les hommes ». Bien bien bien.

Un pseudo-féminisme qui suscite un engouement général des plus suspects : en France, cela rappelle la bulle médiatique autour de Ni putes ni soumises, qui fut célébrée dans la mesure où elle permettait de renforcer la stigmatisation de l’islam et du « garçon arabe » (16). Deux ex-militantes de l’association, Loubna Méliane — assistante parlementaire du député socialiste Malek Boutih — et Safia Lebdi, ont d’ailleurs fait partie des premières ralliées aux Femen, avant de prendre leurs distances. La section française du groupe s’est installée à la Goutte d’Or, quartier parisien où vivent beaucoup de musulmans ou assimilés, et a annoncé son implantation par une affiche bleu-blanc-rouge qui rappelait curieusement les « apéros saucisson-pinard » organisés au même endroit en 2010 par des militants d’extrême droite.femen aliaa mahdi women rights

« Mentalité arabe » en Ukraine

Si l’anticléricalisme radical du collectif se comprend sans peine compte tenu du poids de l’Eglise orthodoxe dans la vie publique ukrainienne, ses porte-parole ont tendance à en franchir le cadre lorsqu’il s’agit de l’islam. L’une des fondatrices du mouvement, Anna Hutsol, a ainsi flirté avec le racisme en déplorant que la société ukrainienne ait été incapable « d’éradiquer la mentalité arabe envers les femmes » (17).

En mars 2012, sous le slogan « Plutôt à poil qu’en burqa », Femen France a organisé une « opération anti-burqa » devant la Tour Eiffel. Ses membres clament aussi que « La nudité, c’est la liberté », ou scandent : « France, déshabille-toi ! » Elles perpétuent ainsi un postulat très ancré dans la culture occidentale selon lequel le salut ne peut venir que d’une exposition maximale, en niant la violence que celle-ci peut parfois impliquer (18).

De nombreuses féministes leur ont objecté que, plutôt que d’affirmer la supériorité de la nudité, il vaudrait mieux défendre la liberté des femmes à s’habiller comme elles le souhaitent. Mais les Femen sont certaines de détenir la vérité. « On ne va pas adapter notre discours aux dix pays où s’est implanté le groupe. Notre message est universel », assure Chevchenko à 20minutes. Ce mélange de paresse intellectuelle et d’arrogance, cette prétention à dicter la bonne attitude aux femmes du monde entier, sont accueillis plutôt fraîchement. La chercheuse Sara Salem a ainsi reproché à l’étudiante égyptienne Aliaa El-Mahdy son alliance avec les Femen : « Si le geste de se déshabiller sur son blog pouvait être vu comme un moyen de défier une société patriarcale, il est problématique qu’elle collabore avec un groupe qui peut être défini comme colonialiste (19). » Mais pourquoi se remettre en question quand montrer vos seins suffit à vous assurer une audience maximale ?

(1) A la lumière de la remarque de Mernissi, le geste d’El-Mahdy est porteur d’une charge transgressive indéniable dans le contexte égyptien. Il lui a d’ailleurs valu des menaces intolérables. Mais le problème est que sa démarche, purement individuelle, reste impuissante à faire évoluer les mentalités dans son pays. Elle s’avère même contre-productive : en Occident, la jeune femme a été récupérée par des commentateurs dont les discours — ou les arrière-pensées — ne sont pas toujours bienveillants envers sa société d’origine.

(2) Nos seins, nos armes, de Caroline Fourest et Nadia El-Fani.

(3) « Femen, la guerre des “sextrémistes” », Libération, 7 mars 2013.

(7) « Le féminisme à l’épreuve du sextrémisme », M – Le magazine du Monde, 9 mars 2013.

(8) « Femen’s topless warriors start boot camp for global feminism », The Guardian, 22 septembre 2012.

(9) Claude Guillon, Je chante le corps critique, H&O, Paris, 2008.

(10) « Quel usage politique de la nudité ? », Claude Guillon, 7 février 2013. Ajout du 13 mars : lire aussi « “Sauvées par le gong” ? Femen, suite et fin » (12 mars).

(11) Femen, entretiens avec Galia Ackerman, Calmann-Lévy, Paris, 2013.

(12) Lire Sylvie Tissot, « “Une midinette aux ongles laqués” », Le Monde diplomatique, février 2008.

(13) « Femen : “Notre message est universel” », 20minutes.fr, 5 mars 2013.

(14) « Prostitution : Libération remet le couvert », Le blog de Patric Jean, 7 janvier 2013.

(15) Cf. Maïa Mazaurette, « Une remarque au sujet des caricatures “humiliantes” dans Charlie Hebdo », Sexactu, 20 septembre 2012.

(16) Nacira Guénif-Souilamas et Eric Macé, Les féministes et le garçon arabe, L’Aube, La Tour d’Aigues, 2004.

(17) « Femen, Ukraine’s Topless Warriors », TheAtlantic.com, 28 novembre 2012.

(18) Cf. « Femen ou le fétichisme du dévoilement », Seenthis, octobre 2012, et Alain Gresh, « Jupe et string obligatoires », Nouvelles d’Orient, Les blogs du Diplo, 20 mars 2011.

(19) Sara Salem, « Femen’s Neocolonial Feminism : When Nudity Becomes a Uniform », Al-Akhbar English, 26 décembre 2012.

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Article par Rita Chemaly Initialement Paru Dans le Magazine Special de Fevrier 2013

Article par Rita Chemaly Initialement Paru Dans le Magazine Special de Fevrier 2013

Cartographie des discriminations qui atteignent les femmes au Liban

Gros Plan sur les Droits des Femmes au Liban

Dans cette rubrique, chaque mois les droits des femmes sont passes au crible fin, pour la nouvelle année  nous dresserons la cartographie des discriminations qui atteignent les femmes au Liban. Si l’image que donnent les medias libanais des femmes au Liban est ouverte et progressive, dans la pratique et les lois, cette image virtuelle pimpante et brillante se transforme en image terne et noire.

Le Liban a bien ratifié  la Convention Internationale pour l’élimination de toutes les formes de discrimination à l’encontre des femmes (CEDEF) ou plus communément connue sous l’acronyme anglais CEDAW en Avril 1997. Mais les exceptions émises par l’Etat sur cette Convention, font en sorte de creuser le fossé entre Hommes et Femmes. Le Liban a formulé une réserve contre l’article 9 – alinéa 2 et contre l’article 16, alinéa 1, relatif à l’égalité des deux époux dans le mariage et le choix du nom de famille, et l’article 29 lié a la transmission de la nationalité. Reserves et expections peuvent sont issus du jargon juridique, or ces simples termes ont des effets discriminants contre les Femmes Libanaises et travaillant au Liban.

La femme dans la famille, une discrimination à la base :

La discrimination commence par la famille, et le souhait d’avoir un garçon comme premier né. Le « maouloud » est homme, la déception des proches par le fait d’avoir une fille est souvent grande. Pire dans plusieurs pays arabe comme au Yémen et autres,  le mot “enfant” signifie “garçon”.

Quant aux études les études les exemples de discrimination et d’inégalités sont flagrants : souvent les filles sont inscrites dans des universités moins prestigieuses que les garçons sur lesquels on mise plus lors des études.

Le statut Personnel, Inégalité homme femme mais inégalités entre femmes libanaises aussi:

Le système libanais est formé par une multitude de confessions (18 avec les coptes), les statuts personnels revenant à telle ou telle confession marquent les inégalités entre hommes et femmes et entre femmes elles-mêmes….

  • le mariage entre chrétiens de différentes confessions exige de la femme d’obéir et de se soumettre au mari « la célèbre lettre de St Paul » chantée et louée dans toutes les cérémonies matrimoniales religieuses.
  • En cas de séparation ou divorce les différences sont nombreuses :
    • Pour l’héritage chez les musulmans l’homme à la part double.
    • Chez les chrétiens, dans la pratique des tractations sont menées dans le sens de garder l’héritage “dans la famille”. C’est-à-dire acheter la part des territoires fonciers des filles par les garçons.

La Nationalité, la femme libanaise est de seconde classe :

La femme libanaise mariée à un non Libanais, n’a pas le droit d’accorder sa nationalité à ses enfants et à son mari. Alors que l’Homme Libanais marié à une non-libanaise lui transmet la nationalité un an plus tard.

Dans son article premier, la loi de la nationalité No 15, du 19/01/1925, stipule qu’« est considéré comme libanais toute personne née d’un père libanais », Selon ce texte, toute personne née d’une mère libanaise n’est donc pas considérée comme libanaise. La nationalité au Liban relève du lien de sang, et non du lien du sol.  Le Sang de l’homme seulement…. Les arguments politiques, confessionnels et démographiques tuent le projet de loi égalitaire.

Il faut noter que la transmission de la nationalité n’est pas une pure formalité juridique.  La non- transmission de la nationalité aux enfants et à l’époux de la libanaise à des conséquences sociales importantes :

  • Les enfants et maris des femmes libanaises sont considérés comme des résidents et non des citoyens. Ils n’ont pas droit à l’école publique ni accès aux hôpitaux publics gratuits pour les libanais.
  • Ils  doivent obtenir des permis de séjour et de travail.
  • L’unité de la famille est remise en cause, de même que la sécurité psychologique les risques de déportations augmentent.
  • Quant à l’emploi, il faut noter que considérés comme résidents, le choix des métiers possibles à exercer, est limité ; Certains métiers sont réservés aux Libanais détenteurs d’un passeport libanais. Appartenir à des syndicats, unions et ordres impossible aux non-libanais. Mais aux enfants nés de mère libanaise ?

La femme et les discriminations au travail:

  • Le code du travail existe bel et bien au Liban mais il ne protège pas les femmes contre l’harcèlement sexuel;
  • Aussi, le code du travail ne protège aucunement les employés/es domestiques et agricoles;
  • Pour les allocations sociales et familiales récemment en juillet dernier 2012 un p’tit pas a été fait à ce sujet sous la pression des parlementaires et de la Commission Nationale pour les Droits de la Femme, mais dans l’attente de la mise en pratique et amendements des lois, les femmes n’ont pas encore les mêmes allocations sociales et familiales que les hommes ;
  • La discrimination la plus flagrante reste l’absence de tout congé paternité. Quant  au  congé de maternité il est de 7 semaines dans le secteur privé une période insuffisante selon les conventions et traités internationaux. Il faut noter qu’actuellement les commissions parlementaires étudient un projet de loi amendant le congé maternité pour 10 semaines, le projet attend depuis fin 2012 son vote à l’Assemblée générale du parlement.

La femme et la politique

Les femmes libanaises ont gagné après moult mobilisations  la réforme de la loi électorale en 1953  qui a consacré leurs droits politiques.

Mais vu les divers quotas confessionnels et  géographiques qui existent au Liban, il est  difficile aux femmes libanaises de percer le cercle de la domination masculine en politique. Les femmes attendent encore un quota et une représentation proportionnelle qui leur garantie leur droit au moins pour une période transitoire.

  • 1952 la femme   libanaise peut élire
  • 1953: peut   élire et être élue
  • 1964: première   femme libanaise parlementaire;
  • 2012 Aucune   femme au gouvernement

L’espoir pour les femmes existe toujours : la Constitution libanaise affirme l’égalité de tous les Libanais, quant aux droits civils et politiques et le Liban a signé de nombreux traités visant à l’amélioration de la situation de la femme, reste a appliquer ces textes, le mot est facile certes, mais les organisations et les femmes sont prêtes a combattre pour ces Droits !

Rita Chemaly

Auteure et Chercheure en Sciences Politiques

Blog sur www.ritachemaly.wordpress.com.

For a list of all related articles in different languages:

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King Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz of Saudi Arabia issued Friday a historic decree allowing women to be members of the kingdom’s previously all-male Shura Council for the first time. The decree amended two article in the council’s statute introducing a 20 percent quota for women in the country’s 150-member Shura Council, and the king appointed 30 women to join the consultative assembly. (source: http://www.wluml.org/news/saudi-arabia-breakthrough-saudi-arabia-women-allowed-parliament )

In Lebanon, women still fight for their basic rights such as transmitting their nationality,

have women in the political parties, have women on political parties lists, have women in Parliament.

The most conservative country alias Saudi Arabia was able to empower some women ” bin and bint… of someone) to be part of the Parliament, in Lebanon, do we need a decree by the supreme court to have Women participate in Politics?

for the info: the Lebanese government doesnt have Any women; 

at the parliament Lebanon has some women, that are the daughters, or sisters, or funding  ($) members of someone, or blocks….

our Nation needs change, I wont vote for Maronites women…. I would love to vote for good Candidates wherever their confession is, but I would love to know that they will engage with us on pushing forward for our Civil=Lebanese State Laws!!!

 

Isn't it strange that women are named by their daddy and grand-fathers?

Isn’t it strange that women are named by their daddy and grand-fathers?

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women right to nationality lebanon rita chemalywomen right to nationality lebanon rita chemaly

Dears,

As the Legal Agenda stipulates, the Lebanese Women are not Close to Transmit the basic and Fundamental right of Citizenship and Right to the Lebanese Nationality to their Children neither to their Husbands.

The Nationality Campaign in Lebanon, will go to the street and protest to amend the law, in a FAIR, EQUAL and Just Way.

Killing the Nationality Law… and Killing Women’s right in such a way is Totally Refused!

Rita Chemaly

 

to know more about what happened kindly refer to the article below:

سادية جديدة باسم المصلحة العليا: “الدولة الذكورية” تدفن حق المرأة بمنح جنسيتها لأولادها نهائيا

سعدى علوه

“لا حق للمرأة اللبنانية بمنح جنسيتها لا لأولادها ولا لزوجها، فمن شأن ذلك الإضرار بالتوازن الطائفي الديموغرافي في البلاد، وبالمصلحة العليا للوطن”.. هذا هو فحوى القرار والتوصية التي رفعتها اللجنة الوزارية التي كلفها مجلس الوزراء دراسة القضية إثر طرح مشروع مرسوم حق اللبنانية بمنح جنسيتها لأولادها في 21 اذار الماضي، في ما روج له يومها على أنه “عيدية” الحكومة للمرأة اللبنانية في عيد الأم.

وجاءت “الهدية” المرّة والمحبطة للنساء في لبنان بعد طول انتظار عبر التوصية بالرفض التي رفعتها اللجنة الوزارية إلى رئيس الحكومة نجيب ميقاتي إثر إجتماعها بتاريخ 14 كانون الأول المنصرم، لتقضي على أي بذرة أمل ولدت لدى المرأة اللبنانية بالتمتع بالمساواة.

والمضحك المبكي في محضر التوصية السري، الذي حصلت المفكرة القانونية على نسخة منه، أن اللجنة الوزارية عادت إلى تفسير سابق للمجلس الدستوري يقول بإمكانية تجاوز مبدأ المساواة المكرس في الدستور اللبناني إذا كان تطبيقه يمس بالمصلحة العليا للبلاد، مع العلم أن هذا المجلس اعتمد التفسير المذكور في سياق الطعن بالقانون الذي حرم الفلسطينيين من حق التملك العقاري.

واللافت أنه باستثناء وزير الشؤون الإجتماعية وائل ابو فاعور، يحمل محضر التوصية تواقيع جميع أعضاء اللجنة وهم نائب رئيس مجلس الوزراء سمير مقبل رئيساً وعضوية وزراء العدل شكيب قرطباوي والداخلية مروان شربل والخارجية عدنان منصور ووزير العمل سليم جريصاتي ووزير الإعلام وليد الداعوق. ولدى اتصال “المفكرة” بالوزير فاعور، أكد عدم علمه بالقرار والتوصية، مؤكداً أنه لم يدع إلى الإجتماع المذكور. وأشار أبو فاعور أنه سيبحث الموضوع مع رئيس الحكومة الذي سيلتقيه اليوم. مع العلم أن اللجنة أشارت في محضرها أنها وصلت إلى قرارها ب”الإجماع”، فعن أي اجماع نتحدث؟

واستندت اللجنة في توصيتها التي تكرس التمييز السلبي بحق النساء في لبنان، وتؤكد ذكورية الدولة تجاه نصف المجتمع، إلى جملة من المعطيات التي تخالف في جوهرها حقوق الإنسان وتتناقض مع مجمل الإتفاقيات الدولية التي وقعها لبنان. وفي بعض ما استندت إليه، لا تخالف اللجنة الوزارية بنود الإتفاقية الدولية للقضاء على كافة اشكال التمييز ضد المرأة(سيداو) فقط، حيث ذكرت بتحفظ مجلس النواب اللبناني على البند الثاني من المادة التاسعة من الإتفاقية، والذي يتعلق بمنح المرأة حقاً متساويا مع حق الرجل في ما يتعلق بجنسية أولادها، بل أنها ذهبت أبعد من ذلك في اتجاه السعي الى اعطاء أسس دستورية لقرارها. ف”مواءمة مقتضيات العيش المشترك والمناصفة والتساوي والفعالية في معرض التمثيل النيابي (المكرسة دستوريا) تصبح أكثر تعذرا وتعقيدا في ظل تفاقم الخلل الديموغرافي بين أبناء الشعب اللبناني من المسيحيين والمسلمين قبل التحرر المأمول من القيد الطائفي”، مما يسمح اذا بالشذوذ عن مبدأ المساواة بين الجنسين. ولتدعيم وجهة نظرها، استندت اللجنة صراحة إلى قرار سابق للمجلس الدستوري إثر الطعن بالقانون الذي حرم الفلسطينيين من التملك العقاري. وتضمنت التوصية فقرة تفيد “بما انه سبق للمجلس الدستوري ان اورد ان مبدأ المساواة الذي يتمتع بالقوة الدستورية لا يعمل به عند وجود اوضاع قانونية مختلفة لا يصح معها إعمال المساواة، أو عندما تقضي بذلك مصلحة عليا…”..وبذلك أصبح بإمكان اعضاء اللجنة والحكومة من خلفهم، لا بل سمحوا لأنفسهم، وبكل ضمير مرتاح، بتغليب المصلحة الطائفية على المصلحة الحقوقية لمواطنين يشكلون نصف المجتمع اللبناني.

واثباتا للاخلال بالتوازن الطائفي، وفي محاولة لتبرير فعلتها بطريقة تتناغم مع الحساسية الطائفية التي تعوم عليها البلاد، أشارت اللجنة إلى “أن وزارة الداخلية زودتها بأرقام عن عدد المستفيدين من منح الأم اللبنانية الحق بمنح جنسيتها لأولادها والجنسيات والطوائف التي ينتمون إليها، وهي أرقام تخل بالتوازن الديموغرافي الطوائفي إخلالاً كبيرا، فضلاً عن شمولها عددا لا يستهان به من الفلسطينيين”. وتظهر الأرقام التي حصلت عليها اللجنة من وزارة الداخلية أن الأجانب الذين سينالون الجنسية من خلال أمهاتهم اللبنانيات يصل إلى نحو 380 الف شخص والأهم توزع جنسياتهم وطوائفهم. وتوقفت اللجنة في توصيتها أمام عديد الفلسطينيين الذين سينالون الجنسية من أمهاتهم، لتحذر من الموضوع وتأثيره على التوازنات اللبنانية. إذ يبلغ عدد النساء اللبنانيات المتزوجات من فلسطينيين أربعة آلاف وخمسمائة إمرأة من أصل 76 ألف إمرأة لبنانية متزوجات من أجانب، وهي نسبة ليست كبيرة مقارنة مع التهويل الذي يلوح به معارضو منح المرأة اللبنانية جنسيتها لأسرتها. مع العلم أن اللجنة نفسها أشارت إلى حصول 15 ألف إمرأة فلسطينية على الجنسية اللبنانية نتيجة زواجهن من لبنانيين، ولكن ذلك لا يعتبر مشكلة طالما أن مانح الجنسية هنا هو رجل، بالمفهوم الذكوري للمسؤولين في لبنان وفلسفتهم الحقوقية التمييزية السلبية تجاه المرأة.

وانتهت اللجنة إلى الإعتبار، وبناء على كل ما تقدم “أنه من حق الدولة اللبنانية، وفي ضوء مصلحتها العليا، أن تقرر وضع القيود التي تحدد مداها لإكتساب غير اللبنانيين الجنسية اللبنانية، إذ تمارس في ذلك حقاً سيادياً محفوظاً لها دون سواها على الأرض اللبنانية، لا سيما إذا كان اكتساب الجنسية يتعارض مع مبدأ رفض التوطين (زواج اللبنانية من فلسطيني) أو يخل بصورة فاضحة بالتوازن الديموغرافي أو يزيده تفاقماً، على ما حصل في مرسوم التجنيس في العام 1994”. يذكر أن المرسوم المذكور شهد الكثير من المحسوبيات الطائفية والمذهبية والرشاوى التي مررها زعماء السياسة والطوائف يومها.

وخلصت اللجنة “بالإجماع” كما ورد إلى اقتراح “عدم الموافقة على مشروع القانون المذكور والإستعاضة بإجراءات من شأنها منح كل الحقوق لأولاد اللبنانية المتزوجة من أجنبي مع استثناء الحقوق السياسية. وتبعا لذلك، اقترحت منح اقامة دائمة من دون بدل عوضا عن سمة المجاملة، والحق بالتعليم والانتساب الى المدارس والمعاهد والجامعات كافة والحق في العمل في القطاعات الخاصة والحق في الطبابة والاستشفاء في القطاع الصحي العام والخاص والاستفادة من تقدمات وزارة الصحة ووزارة الشؤون الاجتماعية والصندوق الوطني الاجتماعي. الا أن ذلك لم يمنعها في حمأة تعداد الحقوق التي تقترح منحها عن استثناء حقوق أخرى تحفظها فقط للمولودين من ذكر لبناني وهي حق العمل في المهن الحرة والقطاع العام أو القطاعات التي تنص القوانين والأنظمة والقرارات المتعلقة بها على توافر شرط الجنسية اللبنانية صراحة وهي قطاعات واسعة جدا. كما تجدر الاشارة الى أن اللجنة لم تذكر الأزواج البتة وما اذا كانوا يستفيدون من الإجراءات التحسينية أم سيقتصر إقتراحها على أولاد اللبنانيات وحدهم.

وتعليقاً على توصية اللجنة، أكدت منسقة حملة “جنسيتي حق لي ولأسرتي” لينا بوحبيب شعور القيمين على الحملة “بالإمتعاض جدا والغضب من هذه النتيجة”، ورفضها “جملة وتفصيلا وبالمطلق”. وأشارت بوحبيب إلى إجتماع عقدته الحملة مع اللجنة في الثالث من كانون الأول الماضي، حيث أكد لهم أعضاؤها أنهم سيدرسون الموضوع بمناخ ايجابي. وقام ممثلو الحملة بتبليغ نتائج اجتماعاتهم مع اللجنة للسيدات المعنيات بالقضية والمناصرين لها خلال إجتماع الهيئة العامة للحملة قبل نحو عشرة ايام وتركت اجواء ايجابية وآملة بين النساء. وبذلك لم يكن نساء الحملة يدركون ما تعد اللجنة لهم. وتشير بو حبيب إلى أن الحملة اتصلت بمكتب رئيس اللجنة سمير مقبل يوم الجمعة الماضي وسألت عما وصلت إليه الأمور، فأكدوا لهم أنهم لم يجتمعوا بعد، في حين أن توصيتهم وقرارهم مؤرخ في 14 كانون الماضي، “ليفاجأونا بتوصيتهم الظالمة والمتناقضة مع حقوق الإنسان والمرأة، والتي تحمّل النساء وزر الطائفية البغيضة في لبنان بحيث تشكل النساء بنظرهم خطرا على المصلحة العليا للدولة”.

وبعدما عبرت عن استياء القيمين على الحملة مما حصل، أكدت بو حبيب نية الحملة بالتصعيد “لأن ما حصل غير مقبول ومرفوض”، مؤكدة أنه “سيتم الإعلان عن الخطوات اللاحقة بعد التشاور مع السيدات المعنيات”. وعليه، قضت اللجنة الوزارية على أمل اللبنانيات وحقهن بالتمتع بالمواطنة الكاملة والمساواة، وليس حملهم لجنسية من الدرجة الثانية لا تخولهن منح جنسيتهن لأولادهن الذين ولدوا وترعرعوا في لبنان ولا يعرفون وطنا سواه. والمؤسف في الموضوع أن هذه الحكومة نفسها أقرت مشروع قانون يخول اللبنانيين المتحدرين من أصل لبناني منذ العام 1921 إستعادة جنسيتهم اللبنانية، برغم أن غالبية هؤلاء لا يعرفون موقع لبنان على الخارطة الدولية، ولا يتحدثون لغته ولا يشعرون بأدنى الإنتماء إليه.

وحاولت اللجنة الوزارية تغطية جريمتها بالتوصية بسلة من الحقوق لأبناء المرأة اللبنانية المقيمين في لبنان، من إقامة مجانية وحق العمل (ولكن هناك استثناء لبعض المهن) وبالتطبب في المستشفيات الحكومية وبالإنتساب إلى الضمان الإجتماعي.. وغيرها من التقديمات التي كان بامكانهم الحصول عليها وعلى العديد من الحقوق الأخرى لو تم اقرار حقهم بالجنسية من دون منة من أحد. الدولة اليوم دولة ذكورية بامتياز.. بل هي دولة سادية قبل كل شيء.

Source: Legal Agenda Article.  

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Below you can read a part of the article of Bassam explaining what the journalist in Future did yesterday at Martyr’s square Beirut…

if that was the answer of Liana and Elias for him, good for them,  Liana I salute your courage, as I saluted the courage of Samir Kassir when we was against all odd asking people not to use the world Syrian people but fuel their anger against the regime!

yes, I was shocked by the “use” and “instrumentalisation” of the sorrow of people yesterday;

Burning the country, burning tires, and sending RPJ and Energa all night is not the solution.

God bless those who spoke again maturely and asked some of the followers to calm down.

Again, the final question I tried to solve in the Book Spring 2005 in Lebanon, was of a citizenship built on common grounds: chaos? or unity and respect? I am lost! this is not what peaceful collective Action looks like…. Gene Sharp … we need to refresh our memories and Peaceful tools!

Spring 2005 was Peaceful, I described the actions clearly … what the fall of 2012 is preparing to us? do you need a description or an image?

Source: L’Orient Le Jour… est ce pacifique ya sharp?

 

 

Source: Reuters Houssam Chabro… and is this pacific collective action?

 

 

Photo de Nada Merhi L’Orient le jour…. Pour moi voila une mobilisation pacifique qui est moins couverte mediatiquement certes, mais qui me rappelle ce Printemps 2005 au Liban…. le Mythe… Rita

 

Rita Chemaly

طالق بالثلاثة

http://www.al-akhbar.com/node/169954

من استوديو «المستقبل» الى ساحة الشهداء، حمل قطيش شعار «الطلاق حتى العدالة»، وتقدم الجماهير، رافعاً قبضته التي زينها بشارة صفراء، لأنّ

الطلاق برأيه هو مع «حزب الله وجميع أتباعه في قوى 8 آذار». كلام قطيش لم يعجب النائب السابق الياس عطا الله الذي اعتبر شعار الطلاق «حالة غضب وليس موقفاً سياسياً». وأضاف: «نحن لا نطلّق أحداً». مداخلة عطا الله أدت إلى مشادة كلاميّة مع قطيش نقلتها وسائل الإعلام مباشرةً على الهواء. لكن ما لم تنقله الشاشة هو التلاسن بين قطيش وليانا ابنة الصحافي الراحل سمير قصير، بعدما ادعى قطيش أنّ «الناس في الضاحية توزع البقلاوة». رفضت ابنة قصير اتهام «الناس في الضاحية» وحصر التهمة بـ«الفاعل الحقيقي». لم يعجب الأمر قطيش، فعبّر عن استيائه بكلام خارج السياق. وجددت قصير رفضها لـ«زج الشعارات التحريضيّة في الحدث»، مطالبة الحاضرين بالتعاطف مع الشهداء لا توزيع الاتهامات «ضدّ جميع أهل الضاحية الذين هم جزء من هذه البلاد». وقطيش يحاول أن يكون حاداً، من دون كاريزما سمير قصير 2005 حتى الآن.
بدا قطيش أمس كمن يريد أن يستنسخ تجربة الصحافي فارس خشان. لكنه فاق فارس تأثيراً أمس. أراد أداء دور بوعزيزي بيروت، لكن من دون بنزين. مع

ذلك، كاد «أنصاره» أن يحرقوا شيئاً آخر، غير أجسادهم.

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chers,
a vous l’analyse de la situation par un ami, karim, je reprend son billet comme tel;
rita
SOURCE: The Beirut Entreprise blog : Tumultuous Lebanon, Where the Intelligence War Never Pauses
Dr. Karim El Mufti
University Professor
Political Scientist
It took longer than usual compared with other political assassinations (given the high secrecy linked to security related areas), but the information eventually came out, the head of the Intelligence Branch of the Internal Security Forces (ISF), Brigadier Wissam El Hassan, was targeted and terminated.
1. The political war and Syria
Minutes into the Ashrafieh blast and 14 March local figures were already trying to make political good fortune out of the tragedy, raising the scenario of an alleged targeting of the Kataeb House, or the 14 March General Secretariat office, or even how Syria the terrorist “targeted the heart of a Lebanese Christian area”. The context changed once the announcement broke of the direct plot against the ISF Brigadier, even though the accused party remained the same: Syria had killed Al Hassan in “retaliation of the arrest of Michel Samaha”, the close advisor of Bashar Al Assad ; he was targeted because of the “efforts made by the ISF to stop Syrian infiltrations into Lebanon”.
Blaming directly the Syrian regime for the terrorist blast, self-exiled Saad Hariri was, from day one, trying to use the killing as a high horse to make a comeback onto the Lebanese political landscape after a period of political numbness: “if I were prime minister, my actions would be to stand against Bachar el Assad and say very clearly that anything that will come into Lebanon, if the regime is trying to export its terrorists to Lebanon, we would definitely refuse it[1].
Other spokespersons from the 14 March coalition carried on with the interpretation that this attack was an export of the Syrian conflict into the heart of the Lebanese capital. As clearly put by Kataeb president and anti-Syrian figure, Amine El Gemayel, to the LBC television : “This regime, which is crumbling, is trying to export its conflict to Lebanon”.
But this explanation falls short when, at the same time, the same anti-Syrian coalition eagerly connected the attack (due to “troubling similarities”) with past attacks on anti-Syrian figures (Gebran Tueni or Antoine Ghanem for instance), at a time when “Syria al Assad” was well up on its feet, way before the civil war there.
Still, there is no doubt in the extensiveness of the blow the anti-Syrian coalition 14 March has just received with the decapitation of the head of a security service loyal to its agenda. Along with other public administrations, like the Council for Reconstruction and Development and Ogero within the Telecommunications Ministry, this ISF branch represented little of what was left of the opposition’s influence within State institutions, remotely led by Saad Hariri since he was removed from power in January of last year. Given the sensitive and strategic nature of the Information Branch within the ISF, needless to say how enduring the hit came to the political leverage of the 14 March coalition.
2. The evidence war and the STL
Wissam Al Hassan was not only a top security operative who made possible the dismantlement of pro-Israeli cells, or the arrest of former Minister Michel Samaha last August for planning to carry out terrorist attacks on Lebanese soil, he was most importantly in charge of the Lebanese side of the investigation of Rafic Hariri’s assassination. Brigadier Al Hassan was hence among the people the prosecutor at the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) could count on in order to build his case. In that, the indictment against the four members of Hezbollah is based, in the prosecutor’s own words, on “circumstantial evidence[2] related to a series of interconnected telecommunications cells that were operating in preparation to the attack, and that were allegedly set up by the four suspects yet to be arrested.
With the overturn of the political equilibrium and the formation of the 8 March pro-Syrian government, which is hostile to the STL work, the intelligence unit run by Brigadier Al Hassan had the mission of keeping the cooperation with the STL’s prosecutor alive. It is important to highlight that the ISF Information Branch is the unit that uncovered the telecommunications cells’ matrix (with the support of another police martyr and IT expert, Captain Wissam Eid, assassinated in January 2008), before linking it to Hezbollah members, and then possibly leaking the information to Der Spiegel who suggested this eventuality in May 2009, two years before the indictment was issued. Since that time, a crucial target shift has taken place, passing from the suspicion of an official Syrian involvement to a Lebanese (Hezbollah) involvement in the assassination of Rafic Hariri.
As such, anti-Hezbollah formations in Lebanon had high hopes in the work of the ISF intelligence branch as it was fuelling, genuinely or not, the accusation party, despite the loss of control over the government. Whether these pieces of evidence were authentic or not was never really the primary concern of the 14 March coalition. Some opposition figures, like Samir Geagea, chose to entirely endorse the views of the prosecutor as to the involvement of Hezbollah suspects[3], even before the pre-trial Judge had set a trial date, whereas Hezbollah officials regularly rejected the telecommunications related evidence considering it fabricated.
This evidence war, that will contribute to determine the fate and outcome of the coming trial, has put Brigadier Wissam El Hassan at the centre of a vast intelligence (national, regional and international) confrontation, as he fell victim of irreconcilable conflicting interests where the battles behind the scenes never pause.
3. The 14 March window of opportunity to regain political ground
For the opposition group, the killing of Al Hassan has hence taken away a strong Lebanese ally in the investigation team that would have been keen on beefing up the accusation party against the four Hezbollah suspects, especially with the trial date (in abstentia) approaching and fixed to 25 March 2013. In the minds of 14 March figures, as the trial would advance against Hezbollah members, the popularity of the party of God would be shaken, and this during election year.

Until then, fearing another May 2008 violent showdown, 14 March leaders have decided to throw their internal wrath against Nagib Mikati. The prime minister now faces a tough spot as the attack happened on his watch while he is representing a pro-Syrian government, despite ingenious manoeuvring to escape impossible contradictions during his mandate through decisions that digressed from core 8 March interests. We can mention for instance the funding of the Lebanese share of the STL, the spearheading of aid towards the Syrian displaced usually considered as supporting the Free Syrian Army, or the freezing of the wage increase, an important component of 8 March agenda, as a gesture to the private sector. At the end of the line, Prime Minister Mikati offered his resignation that has been, curious constitutional outcome, “suspended”, as he is today threatened by experiencing the same political fate as Omar Karame whose political carrier crashed back in April 2005 in close circumstances.
Accumulating political and street pressure against the present prime minister is a convenient way for 14 March to be blaming a Sunni official for the death of another Sunni official, hence hitting on Hezbollah’s hold over the government in an indirect fashion without being accused of fuelling sectarianism, and eventually try and bring it down. This short-term battle represents, for opposition figures, a small window of opportunity to regain some political capital a few months before the 2013 elections, but at the cost of maintaining Lebanon in a state of tumult.
Beirut, 21 October 2012

[1] Saad Hariri interview to CNN, reported by The Daily Star, 20 October 2012, available athttp://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Politics/2012/Oct-20/192109-hariri-tells-cnn-hasan-killed-over-samaha-case.ashx#ixzz29owAYqFW
[2] §3, p.3 of the indictment
[3] Press conference of Samir Geagea in Meerab on 27 August 2011, cf. Geagea : L’acte d’accusation est basé sur suffisamment de preuves, L’Orient-Le Jour, 28 August 2011.

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Beyrouth – Ces derniers jours, la ville de Tripoli, au nord du Liban, a été le théâtre d’affrontements fortement médiatisés entre divers groupes politiques et sectaires. Pourtant, tandis qu’une petite minorité se bat, la majorité des citoyens libanais s’opposent à la violence – à la fois sur le web et sur le terrain.
Peu après le début des affrontements, les militants de la société civile libanaise ont condamné, sur Facebook, Twitter et leurs blogs, la propagation de la violence. Leurs appels à l’unité nationale et au désarmement dans la ville ont circulé en un temps record sur internet. Forts de ce soutien public, les militants ont créé de nouvelles pages de médias sociaux – dont beaucoup ont rassemblé plus d’un millier de membres.
Ces citoyens libanais ordinaires se battent pour montrer qu’ils rejettent la violence, qu’ils s’organisent pour y mettre un terme et, enfin, qu’ils refusent de se taire.
Le groupe Facebook ”Tripoli sans armes!” a adressé l’appel suivant aux autorités locales et nationales: ”… Nous, citoyens, condamnons la prolifération des armes dans les quartiers et les rues de notre ville de Tripoli. Nous implorons l’Etat et les autorités politiques, exécutives, militaires ainsi que celles qui sont chargées de la sécurité de prendre les mesures nécessaires pour débarrasser cette ville des armes qui y circulent. Oui à une Tripoli sans armes!”.
Suite à cet appel, de nombreuses personnes clés ont déclaré la grève dans toute la ville pour protester contre la violence qui a coûté la vie à plusieurs personnes et elles ont organisé une manifestation en face des bâtiments de l’administration publique pour sensibiliser les gens à leur cause.
Les manifestants ont agité des drapeaux libanais, chanté l’hymne national et exigé une réponse immédiate aux problèmes, considérés comme interdépendants, de pauvreté et d’insécurité endémiques dans cette ville. Ils ont engagé l’Etat à rehausser la sécurité et ils ont réaffirmé la nécessité de désarmer les milices de rues. La manifestation non-violente a rassemblé le président du Conseil municipal, les membres du Parlement de la région ainsi que les chefs de tous les groupes confessionnels et d’autres membres de la société civile. Leur message était clair: Le Liban doit revenir à la règle de droit et garantir la sécurité de tous dans tout le pays.
Compte tenu des affrontements interconfessionnels qui divisent Tripoli et craignant que le pays tout entier ne se tourne une fois de plus vers la violence, d’autres militants de la société civile ont réagi rapidement par le biais de nombreuses initiatives, cette fois à Beyrouth. Sur le web, les jeunes ont exprimé leur patriotisme avec des images qu’ils ont créées en réponse à la situation accompagnées des légendes suivantes: ”Ni sunnites ni chiites, pas plus que chrétiens ou druzes mais Libanais!’.’
”Notre union est notre salut” était l’autre slogan affiché par les militants sur les marches du Musée national de Beyrouth où étaient placées des chaises blanches portant les noms des victimes des récents actes de violence, des chaises sans nom avec des drapeaux libanais et une grande pancarte sur laquelle étaient inscrits les mots suivants: ”ça suffit!”. Tout réclame le retour à la paix.
En outre, les universitaires ont formé des groupes en ligne pour dire non à la guerre au Liban. ”Third Voice for Lebanon’ (La Troisième voix pour le Liban) est  un exemple type de groupe de réflexion non-partisan, non-confessionnel et apolitique, qui s’est créé sur la toile à l’initiative de ses membres hommes et femmes et qui a consacré des textes et documents précis pour dénoncer l’appauvrissement de certaines régions du Liban, le clientélisme rampant, l’enrôlement et l’endoctrinement d’enfants dans des milices et groupes extrémistes financés par les politiciens.   Ce groupe organise des manifestations au Liban et à l’étranger pour dire non à la violence et oui à la paix.

La société civile libanaise invite l’Etat à agir avec fermeté contre la violence et la circulation des armes dans les zones défavorisées en instaurant la sécurité et en soutenant le développement durable afin d’aider à mettre fin à la pauvreté qui entraîne la violence. Les obstacles auxquels le Liban se trouve confronté sont bien réels. Toutefois, ces actions collectives entreprises par une société civile libanaise diversifiée, aux multiples facettes, montrent qu’il y a de l’espoir.
###
* Rita Chemaly est écrivain et chercheur en sciences sociales et politiques. Elle est l’auteur du livre Printemps 2005 au Liban, entre Mythe et Réalité. Elle a obtenu le prix Samir Kassir pour la Liberté de la Presse en 2007 et blogue sur http://www.ritachemaly.wordpress.com. Article écrit pour le Service de Presse de Common Ground (CGNews).
Source: Service de Presse de Common Ground (CGNews), 29 juin 2012, http://www.commongroundnews.org. Reproduction autorisée.

Pour Lire l’article en Anglais: After clashes, Lebanon’s majority steps up by Rita Chemaly

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Beirut – In recent days, the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli has been the site of highly publicised clashes between diverse political and sectarian groups. However while this small minority battles, the majority of Lebanese citizens are standing up against violence – both online and on the ground.
Soon after the clashes began, Lebanese civil society activists condemned the spread of violence through Facebook, Twitter and blogs. Their calls for national unity and to disarm the city circulated online in record time. Building on this public support, activists created new social media pages – many of which gathered over a thousand members.
These ordinary Lebanese citizens are standing up to show that they reject violence, that they are organising to stop it and that, ultimately, they refuse to be silent.
The Facebook group “Tripoli without weapons!” posted an appeal to local and national authorities that read, “. . . We are citizens who condemn the proliferation of weapons in the neighbourhoods and streets of our city Tripoli. We implore the state and all political, executive, security and military authorities to take whatever steps necessary to rid Tripoli of the weapons circulating through it. Yes to a weapon-free Tripoli! “.
Following this appeal, many key individuals declared a city-wide strike to protest the violence that had claimed several lives, and held a demonstration in front of Tripoli’s public administration offices to raise awareness of their cause.
Demonstrators waved Lebanese flags, sang the national anthem and demanded an immediate response to the city’s problems of rampant poverty and a lack of security, which are seen as interrelated. They called on the state to provide better security and reiterated the need for street militias to disarm. The non-violent protest brought together the President of the Municipal Council, members of parliament from the region, as well as leaders from all faith groups and other members of civil society. Their message was clear: Lebanon needs to return to the rule of law and provide security for all, throughout the country.
With the sectarian strife dividing Tripoli, and fearing that the country as a whole is heading once more towards violence, other civil society activists responded quickly through multiple initiatives, this time in Beirut. Online, youth showed their patriotism with pictures they created in response to the situation, with captions that read: “Neither Sunni nor Shiite, nor Christian, nor Druze, but Lebanese.”
“Our union is our salvation” was another slogan activists displayed on the steps of the National Museum in Beirut, where white chairs with the names of victims of the recent violence, unnamed chairs with Lebanese flags, and a large sign reading “That’s enough!” all begged for a return to peace.
In addition, scholars formed online groups to say no to war in Lebanon. The Third Voice for Lebanon is one example of a non-partisan, non-denominational and apolitical grassroots online group which publishes and circulates texts that protest violence and cronyism, as well as the recruitment and the indoctrination of children into militias and extremist groups. It uses peaceful demonstrations in Lebanon and overseas to say no to violence and yes to peace.
Lebanese civil society is calling upon the state to take firm action against violence and the circulation of weapons in poor areas by establishing security and supporting sustainable development that can help end the poverty that drives violence. The hurdles Lebanon faces now are very real. But these collective actions by Lebanon’s diverse, multifaceted civil society demonstrate hope.
###
* Rita Chemaly is a writer and researcher in social and political science and author of the book Spring 2005 in Lebanon, between Myth and Reality. She won the Samir Kassir Award for Freedom of the Press in 2007 and blogs at www.ritachemaly.wordpress.com. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 26 June 2012, http://www.commongroundnews.org/article.php?id=31597&lan=en&sp=0

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My friend Iman, send me this link: a Facebook page with lot of pictures taken at a great non violent action, held in Amman for Equality!

https://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.373502762704803.106651.289400511115029&type=3#!/media/set/?set=a.373502762704803.106651.289400511115029&type=3

A beautiful Human Chain was organised in Jordan, by the movement ” there is no ” HONOR in Crime”  25 of June 2012;

the Jordanian activists were holding banners that say: ” it is not “brave” for you to harass me” , a guy hold a banner ” I like to cook too”,

a woman waved a banner were it is written ” I am not oppressed, the veil is my choice”; A Man hold his banner ” I wash the dishes too”…..

and for you to see the great initiatives here are some of the pictures … again, great initiative!!

I tip my hat the to Jordanian activists , who organised this great campaign!!

Zaayi zayyak Jordanian Campaign… activist holding a banner saying that your mum and your sis are not F…. words!!

 

Jordanian Campaign… no to harassment

Jordanian Campaign: my life is more important than the family “dignity”

 

Jordanian Campaign ” I (A man) like to cook too”

Jordanian campaign I wash the dishes too

Jordanian campaign I am not oppressed

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I watched the first show of Lil Nasher, I usually like to watch the show, but 2 weeks ago, Tony Khalifeh had angered me big time.

He was “Fulminating” against a movie he didn’t even watch.

he was “protecting” a religion in a way that made me say ” kaffarratouni“;

directly after watching the show of Tony, and hearing priests asking to ban the movie, that has sexual content, and sexual “iihaa2”,

we went to watch the movie… I liked the pictures, the colors, I felt I was watching an “arte” movie… and for me it was a “nice movie”… with some great “jeu d’acteurs”!

During the entire show I was waiting to see what the “hell” made this big “polemique” against the movie, me a “religious person” couldn’t find anything to say… the priest in the Khalifeh show, said, “I stayed more than 3 minutes because of Tony”, euh….  the first 3 minutes and more of the movie are about a family going to the south in a car, hearing on the radio the war news of Lebanon…. are those 3 minutes offending ya priest??

the priest was asking “reclaiming” from the biggest authority in Lebanon to stop the movie, this priest, I am sorry he is a priest, was outraged, angry,

Dear sir, for me you are not a priest, you are a “pathetic pantin” who is frustrated sexually, you can’t even see a women dressed in “hafer ” way….

this “pathetic pantin” even dragged with tony khalifeh the other priest, Pere Fady Tabet, to say that the movie is “mousi2” for the church dogma… even though another priest abou kasm or abdo kasm or something… said, it contains harmful pictures, but it is not “mousi2 for the church dogma”…. cool hein??? they havent watched the movie and they want to CENSOR IT!?!!!! sorry to say what the F…!?!!??!

No to CENSORSHIP!!! Yes for the freedom of expression!! yes for the freedom of artistic expression!!!!

you could have asked for a special mention, such as the ones E begins its program with ” no for sensitive viewers” or “16 years old” … but asking for BANNING IT?!!!! we are LEBANON, the country of artistic creation, production!!! not the country of censorship and Banning!!!!

I am outraged by the “Church” reaction, I am sorry for the “small minds” of those who didnt even watch the movie and talk about him that way.

a fellow blogger , Elie, in ” a separate state of mind” a blog that I encourage you to read and follow,  expressed what I feel greatly!

here is a part of what I feel!! “This is pitiful. This is a disgrace. This is an insult to our intelligence and our freedom. This is an insult to Christianity, an insult to the Bible and an insult to anything Jesus Christ stood for.

Christian priests, are you happy? I am a Christian and I’m telling you – you are disgusting. You are so narrow-minded that if I tried to look through the hole that is your mind, the only thing I can see is emptiness. Is that what they teach you at whatever school you go through to become priests? To close in your mind and get offended at anything that touches on your religion in a way you find unfavorable?

How does this reflect on us, Christians, when your narrow-mindedness if the only thing people can see of us? Have you perhaps wondered that if some people decided to convert from Christianity because of a movie like Tannoura Maxi, however unlikely that may be, it’s not the movie’s fault but it’s your own? Or it’s perhaps because you don’t want the reality of having so many people with so little faith on your hands that you are panicking about anything and everything?” Source: Tannoura Maxi is Banned in Lebanon a post by the blog a separate state of mind http://stateofmind13.com/2012/05/21/tannoura-maxi-is-banned-in-lebanon/

dear Church men… do open your mind for the love that is the pilar of our religion.

As the great priest (I think Catholique) at ste Rita Church said yesterday evening during his “homelie”, God do not need us to “ternish” his image, your reaction, is ternishing his image.

Love between a man and a women is NORMAL, stop changing it and transforming it to something people should be guilty for and stop dramatizing it….

for those interested in reading the great reactions written here and there, I luved what Pierre wrote in al Akhbar about the same issue,

and again, bravo for the producer, director and all the crue of the movie, I luved it, especially my old school comrade role, you were astonishing in it, my friend from the church, you played your role magnificently too…

voila!!

Rita Chemaly

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yesterday coming back from a beautiful sunny day on the beach, I watch the TV at night, to see that “schools and university should close”, 5 minutes later, after this information went viral on all TV stations and radios, the minister sent a denial, the schools and universities are not closed”;

It took me 3 seconds to remember that in Lebanon, closing schools is “not good at all”, that means something “Serious” happened;

watching Men El Ekhir , and zapping to New TV,  the news finally broke, clashes in Tripoli, Naameh, Burning tyres, Death of a Cheikh in Akkar, … the news smelt rotten, disgusting and more disgusting (and as the users of Twitter say #TFEH ) when the clashes began in Tariq el Jdideh in Beirut “rifles, rockets” “sawarikh” near the Arab University of Beirut … again TFEH…. Disgusting news for my “beloved” country.

Are those Sectarian clashes based on Political affiliations, to some “rotten” leaders? Or clashes based on the tensions and the crisis in Syria? no one knows…. as Imad says, some are swearing that some “Movements” do not have anything to do with the clashes that happened yesterday… others repeat from “informed sources” that those were Future affiliated pple on the streets…

the hole picture for me is disgusting, when someone dies, because the army has shot dead a cheikh, it is not the stability of the country that must be shaken, but the judiciary power, they must work as hard as they can to discover the “truth nothing but the truth”. Investigations must be kept far from politics, and if there is a fault, the judges should punish the perpetrators.

the bright part after the clashes is the web users activism online, some being cynical, others using black humor, others actively campaigning for the civil peace… here is a snapshot of the pictures going viral on the web scene…

Lebanon boils after sheikh killing

Clashes in Beirut end, 3 dead

at the end, as a symbolic action to refuse this violence circle, Join the movement for peace, at 6 pm at Martyr Square, Downtown Beirut.

Rita Chemaly

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Excellent de Humus Nation

“تخلف” ماكسي

a vous de lire tout l’article ici 

عطفاً على ما تناقلته وسائل الإعلام حول موضوع فيلم “تنورة ماكسي” الذي يعرض في دور السينما وتدور احداثه حول قصة حب بين كاهن وفتاة أبان الحرب الأهلية سنة ١٩٨٢، والهلوسة والإستنكار والشجب وهزة البدن الذي رافقاه بحجة أنه يشوه الديانة المسيحية، يهم وكالة الأنباء الرسمية توضيح التالي:

أولاً، ليس كل فيلم تتداخل في قصته ديانة أياً كانت، بحاجة لصك براءة من الطوائف ال-١٢٥٤٦ المعترف بها رسمياً في البلد حتى يعرض في دور السينما. وعلى فكرة، تلفن القرن الثامن عشر وقال إنو “محاكم التفتيش” خلصت من زمان وترك خبر للذين ما زالوا مؤمنين بها ضرورة “قرص” الذات ليتأكدوا أنهم في القرن ال-٢١.

ثانياً، يا ليت ينتفض ممثلو الطوائف على الفقر والأمية والجهل والبطالة والهجرة المستمرة للشباب والنهب المتواصل لمقومات البلد والرشوة والفساد قبل أن ينتفض عنفوانهم على فيلم. عفواً، إنو ما في شي تاني تعملوا خالو؟! عملوا شي إلو طعمة وشو بدكن بالأفلام! استرو شي عيلة فقيرة مثلاً، بتحسوا حالكن “مليون دولار”! عن جد جربوها ما بتندمو.

Suite sur “تخلف” ماكسي

Tannoura Maxi to be banned in Lebanon?

from the http://news.beiruter.com/node/99739

It was the summer of 82, when a priest, about to be ordered, was exhausted by temptations and an arrogant girl felt passionately in love… A sifted memory and a personal history of a narrator who tells with nostalgia and poetry the meeting of his parents until their marriage. [IMDb]
The Church apparently didn’t like Joe Bou Eid’s movie and saw it offending to priests and Christianity. It’s simple though: If you don’t like it, don’t go watch it because banning it will not get more people to Church.

Excellent de Hachem :

رأي خاص- مجوهرات زغيب تهين وتحتقر ملهمة مصمميها … والمرأة ضحّية من جديد

سنسمح لأنفسنا اليوم بأن نعرض عليكم اعلاناً لمجوهرات زغيب مجاناً مع العلم اننا عادة “ما منعملها” لأي كان مجاناُ الا حين يكون الاعلان لأهداف اجتماعية وانسانية واحياناً ثقافية ، ان كان يستحق الحدث الثقافي دعمنا ،
ولكن لفتني هذا الاعلان كثيراً لأنه يروّج لتصميم جديد لعقد من الماس في حين تظهر المرأة بطلة الاعلان من “الزنّار ونازل” …مع علمنا بأن عقود الماس توضع عادة حول الاعناق وليس حول “السيقان”، الاّ ان كانت الموضة قد تغيّرت وتبدّلت سنة2012،

a vous de lire la suite sur Bisara7a

la zakaran wala ounssa

Pity to read such articles in a medium  intended for youth,

instead of being used as an awareness tool for diversity, respect of human beings, the words used are shameful “pity” “shafaka”, “tachwih”,  “raza2el” bad things, and last but not least comparing homosexuality to drugs! hein!? I still believe in a church (=mass of people) who can truly and without exceptions believe in the image of God… we are all at his image, if “you” like it or not…

https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=102728723198926&set=a.102674229871042.3795.100003853956909&type=3&theater

instead of importing diversity, respect, the article use the word “shame”, “pity” and morals to make from homosexuality a sort of “decease” .

Christianity and other religions

this articles is one that in my opinion is nice! in the same issue of Kif Chabab el youm, Previously (booed, and shamed).

rita

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Un article de Elham Manea, politologue Yemenite a l’institut des sciences politiques de l’universite de Zurich, dans lequel elle retrace les changements survenus dans les relations tribales au Yemen.

 

Un  article qui a été publie dans le Daily Star Libanais le 6 avril 2012

rita chemaly

Tribalism in Yemen has changed deeply

February’s presidential election in Yemen by no means marks the end of the country’s troubles. However, the suggestion that the United States host a new arrangement based on decentralized negotiation between tribal and regional leaders is not the way to solve them.

Such a call ignores lessons from Yemen’s past and underestimates the deep changes that have taken place in Yemeni society over the last decades. Although the tribal system continues to operate as the prevalent mode of social organization, it is crucial to recognize that the nature of tribal networks and institutions has changed drastically.

Historically, tribal networks compensated for the state’s lack of capacity. The tribe assumed the role of protector and provider: securing tribal territory, protecting water wells, and resolving conflicts between its members or with other tribes. In many ways, the tribe was the institution of first resort for financial backing and social support in times of crisis. It is perhaps very telling that Aden – where the nuclear family has displaced the tribe as the main social unit – is more affected by poverty than regions that have preserved tribalism, such as Shabwah, Mahra and Al-Dali.

Tribal sheikhs were also once accountable to their constituents: They were elected and could be voted out. Thus, a sheikh was often regarded as a first among equals, rather than an absolute ruler. Custom (Irf) governed the mediation of conflict within or outside the tribe and could not be violated without loss of honor – a distinct disgrace – and threat of severe penalty.

However, the calculated politics of patronage applied by the former Yemeni president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, changed the nature of the relationship between tribal leaders and their constituencies. Saleh and the sheikhs had a number of incentives to engage in a new relationship. From the regime’s perspective, offering assistance to warring or otherwise weakened tribes undercut potentially strong alliances against it, and by incorporating tribal forms of arbitration, the regime also depleted tribal resources that could be used in opposition to the state. On the other side of the bargain, this patronage system afforded sheikhs freedom from accountability to their constituencies.

By successfully co-opting these leaders and rendering them dependent on Sanaa for privileges and largesse, Saleh’s patronage system eroded tribal codes and norms – ultimately leading to a leadership vacuum. Many sheikhs today are dramatically wealthier than their fellow tribesmen – and thus no longer dependent on their constituencies. More tribesmen are alienated from their leaders – who often take up residence in Sanaa and are only just beginning to abuse their power.

The most famous example is the case of the Jaashin area in Ibb, where the sheikh there evicted dozens of families in 2009 after they refused to pay “taxes” – they instead insisted on paying the municipalities directly. Additionally, there are reports of “private” prisons run by sheikhs who use them to intimidate and terrorize their own tribesmen – enough to cause Yemen’s Human Rights Minister Huriyya Mashhour to pledge to shut them down.

Saleh understood this reality belatedly. He mistakenly thought that securing the allegiance of sheikhs would ensure their tribes’ loyalties. But as was revealed in the uprisings that led to his removal from office, many tribe members did not follow the orders of their “leaders.” In this context, it is difficult to imagine how the United States would host a new arrangement based on decentralized negotiation with leaders who can no longer deliver.

Perhaps we should look to the Sultanate of Oman as a source of inspiration – particularly to its strategy used to integrate the region’s tribes and end the Dhofar Rebellion in the 1970s. Oman managed to overcome Dhofar’s isolation by connecting it to Muscat while simultaneously instilling a sense of national identity in its population through three major initiatives.

First, the government pardoned all the Dhofari fighters who were willing to switch sides: Those who accepted amnesty were retrained and incorporated into the armed forces. As a result, hundreds of Dhofari rebels deserted and joined Sultan Qaboos’ “Firqat” Irregulars. These squads ranged in size from 30 to 100 men, the majority of which were defected rebels and local tribesmen trained to operate as a paramilitary force.

Not only did this strategy help secure the support of the tribes from which members of the Firqat were drawn, but it also built up the squads as provisional regional governments, which may have helped rebuild trust in the central government. At the very least, this was a clear departure from previous policies of dispatching regular forces composed mostly of Pakistani soldiers.

The tribal factor was also especially important in Oman’s efforts to create an administrative network in the region and to ensure the allegiance of both tribal leaders and local people. Like the rest of the country at the time, Dhofar lacked a basic civil service. Starting in 1974, the new sultan set up several ministries to run Dhofar’s public affairs. And although the heads of these ministries lived in Muscat, local branches were set up for each, and their representatives were usually elected – rather than appointed – tribal leaders.

By addressing the economic and social demands and grievances of the population of Dhofar, the state aimed to undermine the very basis of the rebels’ cause. Between 1971 and 1975 the Omani government used generous funding from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to allocate 25 percent of the nation’s development budget to Dhofar alone and provide for the construction of local roads, airports, schools, clinics, and power stations. While promising to make the province economically self-sufficient by 1980, the overarching objective of the program was, however, to instill “pride in the community and a spirit of nation-building.” These efforts both appeased the Dhofari population and strengthened the connection between the center and the periphery.

All of this would not have been possible had the state been absent from the equation. The state is very much key to any attempt to solve Yemen’s problems, and hitherto has been hampered by weakness and corruption stemming from the rule of a single clan – one more interested in filling its coffers than addressing the needs of its population. But for this, we should not blame the state: Blame instead the leaders – and get to work.

Elham Manea is an associate professor at Zurich University’s Institute of Political Science. She specializes in Yemeni affairs and is the author of “Regional Politics in the Gulf” and “The Arab State and Women’s Rights: The Trap of Authoritarian Governance.” This commentary first appeared at Sada, an online journal published by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Read more: http://www.dailystar.com.lb/Opinion/Commentary/2012/Apr-06/169391-tribalism-in-yemen-has-changed-deeply.ashx#ixzz1sYwdmhu1

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Many Arab countries have witnessed governments being dismantled by movements organized through the Internet and social media pages;

Since 2005, Lebanese bloggers with a big help from the diaspora began using internet tools, with massive e-mailing lists  , SMS, and blogs to express their views for freedom, truth, independence and  sovereignty;

“En effet, lors du Printemps 2005, et surtout quelques jours après le 8 mars 2005, on ne peut que relever la multiplication du courrier électronique envoyé, des blogs créés, et l’envoi de SMS (pour inviter à manifester lors du 14 mars 2005, ou pour parodier la manifestation du 8 mars, ou le discours de Bachar el Assad …). ” Source : Rita Chemaly Le Printemps 2005 au Liban entre Mythes et realites” Edition l’Harmattan, Paris, 2009, p. 117

“Le blog peut décrire une réalité, il peut critiquer et devenir un espace où s’exprime un malaise ou les protestations des citoyens(…)”Source : Rita Chemaly Le Printemps 2005 au Liban entre Mythes et realites” Edition l’Harmattan, Paris, 2009, p. 119

In 2011, Tunisian, Libyan, Egyptian and lately Syrian activists have been using internet to create collective movements and organize protests;

Many of the activists have been intimidated by their regimes to stop expressing their views;

Recently in Lebanon a new draft law wanted to censor the internet sphere , the web activists organized a campaign raising awareness against such a law, and its effect and impact on the internet freedom;

In Irak, the law against “internet crimes”, as the article in the Economist observes,  is in my opinion a way to muzzle any kind of expression from the opposition and growing civil movements;

The problems with such laws in my opinion, are the use of general concepts under which many blogging posts and online activities can be punished;

Killing the freedom of expression in the Arab World by laws and bills that must protect the freedom of each individual to express his believes is a dangerous trend;

The fight against censorship and repression must begin with a fight against such laws!

Rita Chemaly

To illustrate my opinion, I can just recall the adv of the Samir Kassir award for the Freedom of the press:

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how social networks work in the Syrian Uprising?

how can we describe the composition of the networks in Syria

How the government and the Opponents are working?

who are the activists?

what can we object to the online uprising of the Syrian revolution?

those issues were exposed by Enrico De Angelis at the UIR webscience, at the CEMAM;

for those who are interested as I am, do not hesitate to read my not fine tuned notes;

The Syrian Online Revolution 2011 -2012 by Enrico De Angelis notes by Rita Chemaly

for more information on the same subject related to Lebanon, and the Arab Spring, do not hesitate to read my previous posts and conferences notes:

Rita Chemaly

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نرى أنفسنا كمجموعة نسوية جزء لا يتجزأ من كل حراك مدني ومستقل عن أطراف السلطة، خاصة وإن حمل هذا الحراك شعارات نراها من مبادئنا الأساسية والتي نناضل من أجلها كالمساواة، العلمانية والعدالة الاجتماعية. لقد آن الأوان لكي نتحرك كمواطنين ومواطنات، وكعاملين وعاملات حرمنا لسنوات طوال من أبسط حقوقنا الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والسياسية. على الرغم من ذلك، لطالما كان لدينا كامل الإدراك أن السلطة الذكورية مترسخة بالنظام الطائفي الذي يغذيها فنتعرض لاضطهاد مزدوج على الأصعدة السياسية الاجتماعية والاقتصادية لأننا أولاً نساء، وثانيًا لأننا رعايا لا مواطنات، ولأننا عاملات نُحرم من أبسط حقوقنا الاقتصادية. ولأن النظام الطائفي الذكوري يسخر نفسه لأصحاب المال، يقصينا من مواقع القرار، فيمنع بالتالي أن يكون لدينا المقدرة على التصرف بمواردنا ويحرمنا الأمن والأمان داخل المنزل وخارجه. لذلك كما اتخذنا الشارع في 14 كانون الثاني لنرفض الاغتصاب الذي يشرعه ويسهله النظام الذي نعيش في ظله، سننزل إلى الشارع لندعو إلى نظام يحمينا كنساء، كمواطنات وكعاملات. ولنا أن نتذكر في هذا المجال أن لا عدالة ممكنة لنا كنساء خاصة، من دون قوانين مدنية موحدة لجميع المواطنين وعدالة اجتماعية تضمن لنا خدمات صحية، وأجور عادلة وضرائب عادلة وغيره. نريد كمواطنات أولا وكنساء ثانياً أن نرى التغيير في بنية هذا النظام لصالح قوانين مدنية موحدة للجميع من أحوال شخصية إلى زواج وانتخاب وغيره. نريد أن يكون لنا حقوق متساوية للرجل في مختلف الميادين، في الأسرة والمجتمع، في السياسة وسوق العمل. وأخيراً نريد أن نضم صوتنا إلى أصوات النساء العربيات من المحيط إلى الخليج لنهتف سويا “حرية” و”عدالة اجتماعية”. لنستعيد الشوارع في ذكرى الصرخة الأولى ضد النظام الطائفي التي انطلقت السنة الماضية من أجل المساواة، العلمانية والعدالة الاجتماعية. لننضم إلى التحرك يوم 26 شباط 2012 عند الساعة 3:00 من بعد الظهر انطلاقا من الدورة وصولا إلى شركة الكهرباءنرى أنفسنا كمجموعة نسوية جزء لا يتجزأ من كل حراك مدني ومستقل عن أطراف السلطة، خاصة وإن حمل هذا الحراك شعارات نراها من مبادئنا الأساسية والتي نناضل من أجلها كالمساواة، العلمانية والعدالة الاجتماعية. لقد آن الأوان لكي نتحرك كمواطنين ومواطنات، وكعاملين وعاملات حرمنا لسنوات طوال من أبسط حقوقنا الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والسياسية. على الرغم من ذلك، لطالما كان لدينا كامل الإدراك أن السلطة الذكورية مترسخة بالنظام الطائفي الذي يغذيها فنتعرض لاضطهاد مزدوج على الأصعدة السياسية الاجتماعية والاقتصادية لأننا أولاً نساء، وثانيًا لأننا رعايا لا مواطنات، ولأننا عاملات نُحرم من أبسط حقوقنا الاقتصادية. ولأن النظام الطائفي الذكوري يسخر نفسه لأصحاب المال، يقصينا من مواقع القرار، فيمنع بالتالي أن يكون لدينا المقدرة على التصرف بمواردنا ويحرمنا الأمن والأمان داخل المنزل وخارجه. لذلك كما اتخذنا الشارع في 14 كانون الثاني لنرفض الاغتصاب الذي يشرعه ويسهله النظام الذي نعيش في ظله، سننزل إلى الشارع لندعو إلى نظام يحمينا كنساء، كمواطنات وكعاملات. ولنا أن نتذكر في هذا المجال أن لا عدالة ممكنة لنا كنساء خاصة، من دون قوانين مدنية موحدة لجميع المواطنين وعدالة اجتماعية تضمن لنا خدمات صحية، وأجور عادلة وضرائب عادلة وغيره. نريد كمواطنات أولا وكنساء ثانياً أن نرى التغيير في بنية هذا النظام لصالح قوانين مدنية موحدة للجميع من أحوال شخصية إلى زواج وانتخاب وغيره. نريد أن يكون لنا حقوق متساوية للرجل في مختلف الميادين، في الأسرة والمجتمع، في السياسة وسوق العمل. وأخيراً نريد أن نضم صوتنا إلى أصوات النساء العربيات من المحيط إلى الخليج لنهتف سويا “حرية” و”عدالة اجتماعية”. لنستعيد الشوارع في ذكرى الصرخة الأولى ضد النظام الطائفي التي انطلقت السنة الماضية من أجل المساواة، العلمانية والعدالة الاجتماعية. لننضم إلى التحرك يوم 26 شباط 2012 عند الساعة 3:00 من بعد الظهر انطلاقا من الدورة وصولا إلى شركة الكهرباء

For more information visit Nasawiya’s page.

Laicite, egalite, justice sociale

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American lawmakers are furious about a mounting diplomatic crisis in Egypt, where dozens of nongovernmental workers, including 19 Americans, could face trial.

The United States says Egypt needs to let pro-democracy groups continue their work to help the country’s transition, but Egypt accuses them of operating illegally.

The work of democracy promotion groups has raised suspicions in many countries, but Lorne Craner, who runs the International Republican Institute, says he has never seen anything like what’s going on now in Egypt.

“We have never had our offices raided, we have never had no-fly orders, we’ve never had people pulled in to meet judges and we’ve never faced the threat of trial, and we’ve been working for 30 years in places like Russia and China and Zimbabwe and Venezuela, [and] Belarus,” he says. “Never anything like this.”

Craner says his group’s programs in Egypt are similar to its work elsewhere.

“We pass on knowledge, not money, about world experiences on political parties and on civil society and on governing,” he says. “And we bring people in from all around the world, from central Europe, from Asia, from Latin America, from the United States, to talk about how they have formed political parties, and the mechanics of political parties and the same for nongovernmental organizations,” he says.

Cultivating Democracy

In a speech to the British Parliament in 1982, it was President Ronald Reagan who suggested that the U.S. get into the business of promoting what he called the “infrastructure of democracy.”

He said, “No, democracy is not a fragile flower. Still, it needs cultivating. If the rest of this century is to witness the gradual growth of freedom and democratic ideals, we must take actions to assist the campaign for democracy.”

Congress followed up by creating the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute, which are modeled on German party foundations.

In recent years, the democracy-promotion business has flourished and become more international.

Kenneth Wollack, president of the National Democratic Institute, says his organization works in 65 countries with employees from around the globe.

“It’s not the idea of going in and trying to impose a particular system,” he says. His group trains election monitors, teaches civic groups how to advocate their causes and helps parties develop their platforms, Wollack says.

“We work with parties across the democratic spectrum. We don’t identify ourselves with a particular ideology. We help on the process of platform development. We can do focus groups or polling and help parties better understand citizens’ needs,” he says.

Building Political Platforms

And, in countries emerging from civil conflict, the group has worked on codes of conduct.

“Parties agree to fundamental behavior and how they treat each other because not only are they competing with each other,” Wollack says, “but they also have to agree on the rules of the game.”

He says there has been demand for this work in many parts of the world, though he remembers a time when people argued that democracy wouldn’t fit with tribalism in Africa or with Confucian philosophy in Asia. The Middle East was also written off.

Thomas Carothers of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace says the U.S. had been on the side of dictatorship in Egypt for 30 years, so the uprising there offered a chance to turn a page.

“Suddenly, you know, the lid was off politically and there was a scramble of dozens of political parties forming,” he says. “That’s a common pattern in newly democratizing countries. All these people are eager, they want to be part of the new political scene. But the truth is, they don’t know a lot about grass-roots organizing, mobilizing volunteer groups, how to do effective messaging [or] how to build a party platform.”

Carothers says he has found that people show up for seminars even if they are suspicious about overall American foreign policy.

He was taken aback by the legal proceedings in Egypt and worries that Russia or other countries leery about international democracy promoters will be watching closely to see how far Egypt goes.

Source: http://www.npr.org/2012/02/09/146585952/what-do-democracy-promoters-actually-do

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This is tragic. This is not comic.

According to Communication Sciences, every sentence, every image, carries one specific meaning, or several meanings.

Daily, we are exposed to a large number of different messages on the television, radio, internet, billboard advertisements on the street, and conversations we partake in, among others.

Generally, we are most exposed and prone to being affected by and processing messages, whether consciously or subconsciously, when our minds are in states of relaxation or euphoria, as is the case during hypnosis, sleep, or laughter. This is where our problem with the different comedy shows broadcasted daily or weekly on Lebanese and Arab screens comes in: they use laughter, a very effective tool – even if unintentionally – to send out messages of racism, violence, or humiliation towards women.

And these programmes are characterised by a very high viewer rating with a vast age range, from children to teenagers, to adults, to the elderly. This is exactly where the importance and the dangers lie.

target=”_blank”>http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZCiXGihsGoo

Every single time we critique any of these shows, we are faced with attacks that are completely out of context of our critique, or with attempts to trivialise our critiques with statements like: “But it’s just a joke,” or “We’re kidding!” The problem is that the supervisors, writers, and presenters of these shows, both men and women, are not paying attention to the fact that it is precisely because it’s a joke, and it is precisely because it elicits laughter and fondness, that it has double the effect, or even quintuple the effect, as compared to regular sentences that are devoid of humour on the news or on other non-comedic shows.

The adjoining video shows a sample of just a few jokes that are told by the dozen throughout each and every episode of the show “LOL,” and other such shows. Lebanon has at least four of these comedy shows that are broadcast weekly. Some are “open jokes” like “LOL,” and others are in the form of skits, like those featured in “Ma Fi Metlo[2],” and “Kteer Salbi[3] .” Through some simple calculations, you can imagine the amount of negative, violent messages that we are exposed to weekly, monthly, yearly… And this is just from comedy shows alone!

The jokes employed send a myriad of messages:

– Joking about rape and sexual harassment, and dealing with these two topics lightly at a time where there is a clear increase of sexual violence towards women in Lebanon, and at a time where a significant percentage of girls and women have to fight hard and endure living through the horrible psychological scars of being exposed to rape or harassment, which, by the way, are serious, harsh experiences that turn life upside down; they are not a joke.

– Dealing with marital violence as material for joking and humour; we still cannot understand why “Abou el Abed beat up Em el Abed,” or “A man is bashing down his wife’s head,” are something funny! This is something tear-inducing, unfortunate, and offensive, and it should be changed as quickly as possible in a country where a simple law to protect women from family violence is still a draft law in parliament, stuck between either complete rejection, or twisting and distortion, and being effectively emptied of its contents.

– Promoting stereotypical images of a woman:

  • – Her only function is cooking and ironing

  • – A fat or chubby woman is ugly, and an extremely skinny one is beautiful

  • – The only thing that makes a woman “worthy” is her looks, charm, and her ability to please

  • – Women have low IQ, or they are obsessed with blowing their husbands’ money on clothes, make up, etc…

  • – This is also met with promoting the male stereotypes, where a man is considered a creature who thinks of nothing but sex, and sees every woman as an opportunity for harassing or cat-calling.

– Promoting stereotypical images of different segments of society, for example:

  • – Any person who has darker skin is strictly supposed to be someone who serves and cleans after the Lebanese, they generally speak with high-pitched voices and unintelligible letters or words, the “Mister” is generally sleeping with the female domestic worker he employs, etc…

  • – Any homosexual man (usually referred to as “mgaygan,” an offensive Arabicised version of “gay”) is always “effeminate,” whose intelligence and thoughts are limited, and thinks of nothing besides having every man in the universe. Of course, his name is usually Foufou or Nounou[5]. Here for example, we cannot understand why sexual orientation is a matter to be joked about… Why does the audience double over laughing hysterically because Foufou is running after Nounou? Or because Toutou was beaten up by “real men?”

These jokes promote a system of thought that is already present among a large segment of the Lebanese, be it about foreign communities (especially migrant workers), women, elderly women, homosexual men, or natives of Homs, Syria[4].

It goes without saying that people always act according to their way of thought, and these actions range from contempt to thinking of specific groups as inferior, to intended harassment or causing annoyance, to bodily and emotional violence towards these groups, given that they are of inferior standing, and don’t deserve the status of “adult respectable human” to begin with.

If we are laughing at Abou el Abed beating up Em el Abed, this means it’s an entertaining and simple subject, so it’s really not a big deal, after all, if our neighbour Em Badih was beaten up by her husband Abou Badih! And if Mrs. Em Ata is praying for someone, anyone, to come by and rape her, then seriously, rape is nice and pleasant, even invited! So why are these women making a big deal out of the matter?! And if “Madam” is harshly criticising Sinkara[6], it means “Madam” is strong, cute, and likeable… And if fat people are ugly, let us make fun of our fat friend in class… Let us also crack jokes at our friend who looks like Foufou…

And so, this traditional, racist, and discriminative-to-women way of thought is strengthened and promoted, and passed on in all its festering rot to the new generation, our children, by way of these shows and others… Through just one episode of these shows, all of the efforts put in to bring about change, reform,  progress, and development – which most of these channels and public figures claim they are advocates of, and which young activists are investing their efforts and lives to achieve, are going down the drain. This is aside from the imprint this type of “joking” leaves on society’s dynamics, and the outlooks it gives people on each other. This is also aside from the negative psychological effects it has on the target groups of these jokes, from abused women, to those who have survived rape, to homosexuals, to the elderly, and to all such “joked upon” categories, as well as foreign communities in Lebanon, who, by the way, are not all “glass cleaners.”

We cannot but wonder and marvel at the complete silence of the Ministry of Information and the National Media Council and other responsible bodies – both in the state and within society, when met with these daily transgressions which we are all exposed to, which our children are exposed to, while our censorship boards cut scenes and statements that are much, much more trivial and petty.

We need to clarify that when we critique programmes like “LOL,” and through it all other similar comedy shows, we are not telling them to stop broadcasting, we don’t want them to lose their viewers, and we don’t want to get in the way of their moneymaking. We are only demanding that they understand the sizeable responsibility that accompanies their stardom and fame. This is a responsibility that they carry through each and every episode they film, and they should pay attention to the type of messages they are putting out there to the diverse age ranges, and to men and women alike.

Just as “LOL” is now paying attention to jokes about religious figures and is cautious not to offend them, we hope that the show will also pay attention to jokes that target other groups in society, who have the full right to be respected and not subject to insults, contempt, disregard, and even the violence that may result from the accumulation of the violent messages conveyed.


Notes:

[1] Abou el Abed and Em el Abed are a married couple that are the butt of many Lebanese jokes, conveying a stereotypical image of an often dysfunctional and not particularly educated, somewhat lower class family, where the man is the head of the house and his wife is his completely subservient property. The “givens,” however, are variable. “Abou” (father of) and “Em” (mother of) followed by the name of the eldest male son in the family are what parents are referred to. If the eldest male has older sisters, they are disregarded.

[2] “Ma Fi Metlo”: “There is Nothing Like It.’

[3] “Kteer Salbi”: “Salbi” may be used to refer to something cool or entertaining in Lebanese dialect, while in neighbouring Arab countries and in formal Arabic means “negative,” so the name can be translated as “Very Entertaining” or “Very Negative.”

[4] The Lebanese often used to make fun of natives of Homs as very simple and stupid people, telling jokes similar to blonde jokes about them. This was more common some time back, and the newer trend has shifted to making the main character of the same jokes “a high junkie”. However, one still comes across a Homsi joke every once in a while.

[5] Foufou, Nounou, Toutou, or other similar sounding names are usually used to refer to a gay man. They are often pronounced in an exaggeratedly feminine and singsong manner to refer to the man’s “lack of masculinity.”

[6] Migrant domestic workers usually call their female employers “Madam” and their male employers “Mister.” In popular culture and jokes in comedy shows, the names Sinkara and the like are usually an obvious reference to the aforementioned workers. Employers often treat domestic workers badly, and speak to them in a very diminishing manner.

 

Source: http://kherrberr.org/en/2012/02/and-so-abou-el-abed-beats-em-el-abed1-up/

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My friend from University was protesting saturday Jnauary 14 and she  says that she is walking to ask Member of Parliament to endorse a bill protecting women from family violence;

Zoya Rouhana from the Kafa network said that this is their combat too, and they are mainly asking parliamentarians not to forget in the law marital rape; than a Demonstrator screams: they don’t respect us; ( they is the state, the parliamentarians)

“Police cannot protect women in Lebanon; they didn’t take the complaint of sexual harassment seriously; The law of labor doesn’t cover and protect women against sexual harassment at the work place too. Dear Mps wake up, we want our rights, we are walking peacefully for you to see us , and see how many citizens need you to” legiferate” and use your powers to protect women by fair laws. ”

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=grflKp5rzMI&list=UUXqBZI0Afd95zT8KmGFrBnQ&index=2&feature=plcp

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[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VR_98rdMMmc&feature=youtu.be]

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VR_98rdMMmc&feature=youtu.be

Chers députés dites la vérité,

Êtes-vous entrain de couvrir les criminels ?

A la prison les violeurs, a la prison !

Le 14 janvier 2012 je suis née à nouveau,

Nous sommes la pour dire que le silence n’est pas permis, quand la femme est violée, violentée, le silence ne doit pas l’enfermer, les lois doivent la protéger ;

Les femmes libanaises paraissent avoir des droits,

Mais les droits esthétiques que les femmes ont, ne sont pas de vrais droits, qui les protègent.

Les dispositions  503-504 du code pénal libanais permettent a l’homme de violer sa femme, quand il veut,

La matière 522 permet au violeur de se marier avec sa victime, et lui donner des indemnités, bref, payer la victime !

Un état de droit est nécessaire, de toutes nos voix, nous voulons une loi civile qui protège les femmes dans leur foyer comme en dehors.

Députés dites la vérité, violentez vous vos femmes ?

Députés êtes-vous entrain de couvrir les criminels ?

N’êtes vous pas responsables de la législation ?

A la prison à la prison les criminels !

 

Rita Chemaly www.ritachemaly.wordpress.com

 

Previous posts about this subject:

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Dears

One of my actions to help the great demonstration organized by Nasawiya and  that took place Saturday morning (14 of january 2012)  in Beirut streets, was to prepare a press coverage, assembling the weekend press articles in arabic and english that were written and published to cover the beautiful event.

Lebanese men and Women took to the streets in a great peaceful collective action (as the ones I detailed in my book : The Lebanese spring 2005);

Using their voices, lebanese traditional chants, banners, masks, Lebanese demonstrators said “no to a state that covers the criminals and rapists”.

In a non violent way the hundreds of protesters walked under the rain to ask the representatives, the Member of Parliament to endorse the project law presented by the civil society organisation without changing it and changing its core dispositions against marital rape;

I will post tomorrow the live videos taken during the event; in arabic, french and english walking in the streets with water in their foots and rain, and a sunny terminal at Riad El Solh square, Lebanese activists and demonstrators showed again that an awaken civil society still exists and is watching firmly the work of the Parliamentarian committees!

Rita Chemaly

To read and print and use the press coverage here is the document:

Media coverage fight rape demonstration by Rita Chemaly

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